The Arab World’s Explosion
Among the many unmistakable signs amid the current popular uprisings is that those million-strong protests are in essence a public rejection of the region s history of division and isolation as well as regional cultures and sectarian, tribal and class/group interests at the expense of national culture based on common ground and destiny.
Since the
June 1967 Arabs
defeat against Israel, many Arab countries have been ruled by repressive regimes
which advocated isolationism and a purely local culture and narrow interests
void of any popular aspirations or national interests. Under phoney parties and
empty slogans these regimes promoted isolationism, abandoned their pan-Arab
responsibilities and were out of touch with the dramatic political developments
and transformations worldwide, from the former Soviet Union republics and East
Europe to military regimes in Asia, Africa and Latin America, such
transformations that took place after the collapse of the Communist block and
end of the cold war which divided the world into two camps: socialist and
capitalist.
Under
their political and social conditions, Arab peoples failed to keep up with
international transformations, which led to giving their regimes more power and
domination and deprived peoples of enjoying freedom. Isolationism has led to
weakening inter-Arab ties to such an extent that during recent decades there
has virtually been no joint Arab concerted effort in the region s many issues and
crises, but there have been a lot of conflicts, wars and division. These
repressive regimes have adopted a strategy of evasion of responsibility for
dealing with the outcome of the 1967 defeat, and instead of bearing the cost of
recovering the lost rights, they have imposed a totalitarian rule and alienated
the people from sharing in self-determination, which led to the need for
further stringent security and oppressive measures to ensure absolute political
and financial power.
Examples
of the above regimes were found in Saddam Hussein s and his predecessors
regimes which isolated Iraq from its Arab sphere and caused the region many
disasters whose results are still seen in Iraq and the Arab world. Another
example in Gadhafi s, which stood against the wishes of the Libyan people and
alienated them from their Arab sphere, seeking a leadership in Africa, using
his country s wealth under phoney slogans that Libya belongs to Africa rather
than the Arab world. The outcome of this totalitarian, repressive policy is
seen today in the bloody events and tragedy which the Libyans are suffering.
That s all that this authoritarian regime has achieved during over forty years,
leaving the Libyans dreaming of freedom, development and a decent life.
Similar
examples of repressive rule have covered other parts of the Arab world Tunisia,
Egypt, Sudan and Iraq. The Iraqi and Sudanese regimes have tackled the issue of
ethnic and sectarian diversity in such a way that led to partition and
division. We today recognize a new state in South Sudan which does not belong
to its origin. Another state is on the horizon in north Iraq. The totalitarian,
incompetent regimes wrong handling of certain issues has led to this division
and fragmentation. Such handling included the relationship between Arabism and
ethnicity in its African and Kurdish spheres in Sudan and Iraq respectively,
the relationship between Islam and Christianity in Arab societies, and
sectarianism in Arab Muslim communities, such as Sunnis and Shiites.
Eliminating the will of the peoples
The
situation was exacerbated by the totalitarian regimes which used repression to
control their people and made them unable to take any decision on their life
and future. The regimes ignored national interests and created division among
Arab societies and their relationship with other Arabs, and involved them in
inter-Arab conflicts using tanks and military aircraft, the most well-known of
which is the forty-year-old Iraqi-Syrian Baath conflict. Egyptian-Sudanese
relations were also frozen for almost similar reasons, and endless conflicts
extended to Arab north African countries, draining wealth and impeding
development and integration.
This
abnormal, illogical situation created by totalitarianism and isolationism has
led to the rise of such previously unknown chauvinism that two regimes with
common struggle against colonialism and joint development fields were involved
in an absurd conflict in which accusations and insults were exchanged due to
the results of a football match!
Peoples
were therefore often trying to vent their anger in the wrong direction, and
repressive measures gave many intellectuals a sense of frustration and despair
in the future, particularly in view of the new signs of reversing the course of
history so that Iran and Turkey can exercise new regional influence at the
expense of the Arab world. There are repeated calls to divide the Arab world
into two Iranian and Turkish axes. Some Arab repressive regimes have shared in
this respect to depend on such influence for their survival, and even paved the
way for Asian extremist views to gain ground among sectors of the Arab
population who lost hope in their countries and governments. Among us we can
now see covert and overt organizations belonging to non-Arab elements in India,
Pakistan, Afghanistan and Iran trying to impose their religious views and
traditions upon us.
Arab security penetration
The
results of repressive, totalitarian rule has produced many tragic outcomes, the
most serious of which is Arabs inability to cooperate and coordinate in the
Arab security system which has been penetrated from all sides. Development
projects have disappeared from joint Arab effort. These include Arab Common
Market, Arab Economic Unity and Joint Arab Defence. Saddam Hussein s occupation
of Kuwait in 1990 declared the shattering of the dream of joint Arab action at
all levels and opened the door for the penetration of Arab security.
Fragmentation versus globalization
I
discussed Arab fragmentation in the age of globalization a few months ago when
I saw our Arab world pass through a seriously incomprehensible stage, namely
gradual fragmentation and sectarian, tribal, ethnic and religious divide
against a world trend for forming larger blocs which combine different
nationalities and common cultural and economic interests. Despite the conflicts
the world has witnessed over the past decades, globalization as a tool of
progress has proved that national identities can still coexist and cooperate to
avert disaster. In the Arab world today, on the other hand, we are completely
out of touch with this world vision, as if we were unaware of the course of
modern history which transcends sectarian and ethnic divide and seeks a world sustained
by common interests, mainly human rights freedom, self-determination,
livelihood and health, and achieves peoples solidarity at world level to ensure
security and peace, avert disaster, war and weapons of mass destruction and
brace themselves for natural disasters.
The development of the means of communication
Scientific
advances have brought about an unprecedentedly historic revolution in the area
of land, sea and air transportation, facilitating transcontinental travel and
daily exchange of information. Similarly, modern inventions in the area of
communication by phone or on the Internet have crossed borders and made peoples
communicate directly without any barriers.
This
breathtaking development in the means of communication has exposed the Arab
world and Middle East and revealed how we are lagging behind the world round
us. It has also shown that the decades long repressive regimes have deprived
peoples of freedom, isolated them and encouraged tribal and sectarian values at
the expense of national interests or any pan-Arab cooperation based on common
interests and culture. This situation has caused Arabs a disaster and filled
them with a feeling of frustration and despair in their rulers, which has
ultimately led to a popular movement, similar to an explosion spanning the
entire Arab world. This movement was sparked by the people of Tunisia, and a
succession of explosions followed in Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Syria and even Iraq,
which is still under direct American occupation. These Arab peoples, who have
suffered division and isolation and have been subjected to worthless cultures,
ideas and values, have exploded and shown the world at large their capability
for reawakening.
Arab peoples surprise
These
concurrent million-strong popular explosions have surprised the whole world,
not only by exerting their will and expressing their desire for change and
toppling repressive and corrupt regimes, but also by being a phenomenon of
unity of purpose and slogans across the entire Arab world. Different generations
of Arabs have suddenly been united in aims, destiny, interests and aspirations
for rebuilding their societies, as if it is a historical movement for
rebuilding the Arabs on the objectives and requirements of a new age. Similar
movements took place in modern history, such as unity in struggle against the
Ottoman Empire and Western colonialism in the late 1940s and
early 1950s. This new stage is apparently a stage of
democratisation and end of the national-state stage which has failed to lead
Arab societies to freedom, popular involvement and democratic transformation.
The big
questions today are: Will these similar popular Arab uprisings combine in the
stage of democratic rebuilding? Will they promote some sort of cooperation and
solidary that ensures rebuilding their societies, developing joint economic
development plans, coordinating their foreign policies and formulating a new
Arab national security strategy to protect their countries and wealth from
penetration, interference and plunder? Will dreams of stability, development,
production and raising citizens standard of living and preserving their dignity
come true? Answers to the above questions depend on how far these revolts
succeed in basing the foundations of freedom, paving the way for democratisation
and establishing communities after the collapse of repressive national-states
which failed to protect their lands.
What is
taking place in the Arab world today is a major transformation, a new stage in
history not less dramatic than the transformation that followed the collapse of
the Ottoman Empire and colonial domination and division of the Arab world, nor
is it less effective than the stage of struggle against colonialism and rise of
the national-state, as history teaches us that it is always in a state of
forward movement.
Sulaiman Al-Askary
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