Armed Democracy
We take for granted persistently recurrent phrases in the Western media and keep repeating them blindly in our Arab print, broadcast and visual media. The most serious of these allegations is that the Israeli state of occupation is the only democracy in the Middle East, a fallacy promoted by the West, which created Israel in our Arab region sixty-three years ago.
What has this false democracy which is
bristling with arms done during more than six decades other than capturing land
by force, delaying the course of development and plundering the wealth of the
Arab world, provoking sectarian strife and debilitating all Arab societies?
The
Israeli defense minister, Ehud Barak, was the guest on BBC’s programme Hard
Talk , and I felt that the host, Stephen Sakur, asked the person who uses
weapons today against our Palestinian children our relevant questions.
Asked why
Israel wanted a $20bn extra weapons package for its army in spite of its false
claim that it sought peace he said The price of peace is very high to us, and
this extra armament provides an additional security shield which strengthens
our position in peace negotiations management!
That
scene made me feel how Israel s real image has been made up. Contrary to what
is maintained about it, it was not created for a people without a land on a
land without a people. The Palestinian people have for thousands of years been
exercising their right of living on their land even when it was part of the
Ottoman Empire before being put under British mandate, which created. Israel.
In this way, the British gave the land of Palestine which they do not possess
to immigrant Jews from around the world who do not deserve! The Balfour
Declaration therefore marked the start of the occupation of the Palestinian
territories and conflict over it, which cost our Arab nation such wars that
blocked its domestic development plans, while Israel has been using war and
peace as an excuse to increase its military arsenal and stockpile of nuclear
weapons in order to maintain its false democracy.
Events
and news every day confirm how false Israel s democracy is, even within the
narrow margin Knesset members are allowed. We still remember the majority
voting of a Knesset committee against MP Hanin Alzoabi last summer because she
dared to share in the Freedom Flotilla designed to break the blockade imposed
by Israel against Gaza strip in 2007. Her parliamentary immunity was lifted and
her diplomatic passport seized and she stood trial as a terrorist. That led her
to say, Israel, the home of democracy, has become the home of racism and
incitement. There’s no democracy in Israel, and we move within narrow margins
of democracy which Israel is trying to undermine.
The last henchmen of colonialism
In that
way, Israel has maintained its presence as the last henchman of extremist
colonialism. After an age of independence which the Arab peoples are
celebrating, the occupation state remains as the West s spearhead in the face
of the East s barbarianism, as the ardent Zionist Osechkin said to convince the
(British) empire in its twilight years of the feasibility of the Israeli
project. The countries which succeeded the empire continued the role of
defending the only democracy in the Middle East against such concerns as
terrorism, fundamentalism and such other trumped-up charges.
Israel,
that extremist national and religious entity which the West claims to be the
only democracy in the Middle East, finds itself today in the midst of Arab
popular uprisings against dictatorship and oppressive regimes in neighboring
countries. It is nervous and concerned by the fall of some regimes that used to
support it, such as the Egyptian and Tunisian regimes, and the instability of
other similar ones. It does not support peoples who seek freedom and the right
to live in a democratic society enjoying peace, security and development. This
is the type of society supposed to match Israel s democratic society promoted
by the West for over sixty years! It is the kind of false democracy in the face
of the movements of peoples seeking democracy and freedom by increasing
military budgets significantly, undermining the credibility of the battle for
democracy in the neighboring countries and offering hidden resistance against
it. Israel is doing this to conceal its false democracy and remain alone
claiming democracy and freedom, eliciting sympathy and support in the face of
Arab dictatorships.
We had
high aspirations and great expectations in the 1960s and 1970s, but these are
modest today, as things on the ground have changed as the rightful owners of
land land themselves seek negotiations and make concessions and have signed
agreements with occupation forces secretly and publicly.
We should
not forget the negative impact on Arabs of inter-Arabs conflicts caused by
dictatorship and oppression. Instead of presenting a united front against their
historical enemy, Arabs have been torn apart by strife. Furthermore, the
regimes created by the West to support or turn a blind eye to the Israeli
occupation pointed their weapons at their peoples to silence them so that
Israel would remain the only democracy in the Middle East as maintained by the
West which failed to support popular revolts against the corruption of some
Arab regimes.
Towards a modern state
In 1956,
i.e. fifty-five years ago, Arab American economist Charles Philip Issawi said
the socio-economic soil in the Middle East was still not deep enough to help political
democracy grow and flourish. What is needed is not just constitutional or
administrative reform or change of the government machine or individuals but
also to adapt an out-of-date political structure to suit the new balance of
power, thus reflecting the relationships among all levels of society.
Dr
Charles Issawi (1916-2000) is the real father of the economic history of the
Middle East as a field of research. He has helped at least two generations of
scholars and students to better understand the modern Middle East. He was
president of the Economic Association of the Middle East (1978-1983). Born in
Cairo to Syrian parents, he spent his childhood in Egypt, Sudan and Lebanon
before travelling to Oxford where Albert Hourani was a fellow student. After
World War II he taught political science and economics at the American
University in Beirut (1946) and travelled later to the USA and joined the UN
and was engaged in carrying out surveys of the economic conditions of the
Middle East region. In 1951, he started teaching economics at Columbia
University in New York and for half a century he was an economic theorist for
the region where our Arab nation lives.
Issawi s
(old) view is still highly relevant even after half a century since he wrote
about our need for a major socio-economic transformation to develop society and
enable it to bear the weight of the modern state.
It’s a
necessary development though not a sufficient condition for real democracy in
the region. It’s also necessary to exert the forces which transform the Middle
East properly and step up efforts to improve communication, build schools and
achieve cultural and spiritual unity as far as possible. This is likely to
bridge the gap between different linguistic and religious groups. Similarly,
efforts should also be stepped up to improve the economy of all countries to
raise the general standard and create such opportunities that help individuals
free themselves from the grip of tribe, family, and village, he said.
A
pertinent question here is: Why did Issawi and the later generations fail to
induce our Arab top officials to respond to this demand positively? In point of
fact, part of the problem lies in domestic mechanisms, but a large part is
attributed to foreign factors, on top of which is the Arab-Israeli conflict,
which has largely contributed to such a failure.
The reasons behind our backwardness
Military
budgets are increasingly consuming a large part of Arab national budgets with a
high disproportion between education, research and culture on the one hand, and
the defense budget, on the other. Except for the unfinished October 1973 war,
weapons were only used in futile wars.
In
addition, large sections of our population are entangled in a vicious circle:
education, the labour market, unemployment and poverty. Such impoverishment
inflicted on them by the regimes on the pretext of having to struggle against a
foreign enemy (which the regimes made up and cooperated with in security and
trade) had a damaging impact on basic development, excluding Arab universities
from the list of the world’s top universities.
The cost
of peace which some Arab regimes sought with the Jewish state earned it more
political, military and economic power to the detriment of Arab economy and
Arabs welfare. The Egyptian gas issue, which became the focus of attention
before the collapse of the Mubarak regime, has become a public opinion issue,
confirming this weakness in the face of Israel. This Egyptian gas has for years
been exported to Israel for less than a third of the price paid by Egyptian
citizens, which cost Egypt s national budget $9m daily and, according to
Israeli officials, saved Israel $10bn annually. That amount, no doubt, could
have contributed significantly to the development process in the Arab world if
such agreements had not been made on the pretext of maintaining dubious
stability, thus depriving Arab peoples of their rights in favour of a state
falsely claiming to be democratic, but has in fact looted land, history and
wealth!
Moreover,
these bilateral agreements with the expansionist state have undermined pan-Arab
cooperation for various reasons and caused such division that led to further
backwardness of our Arab nation and held back the development process based on
solidarity, integration and contribution for the prosperity and welfare of all
Arabs.
The West
makes its relations with us conditional on our tolerance to systematic usurpation
of our legitimate rights and acceptance of its arbitrary demands. We have also
fallen prey to the West and lost our Asian and African position with all its
human and natural resources and huge markets which offer a real alternative
that can contribute to the prosperity of our Arab region which is not poor in
resources or lack the will to act. Division is threatening the political
borders drawn by colonialism which itself is attempting to change. There you
are! Sudan is giving up its South in a West-backed referendum.
Moreover,
Nile basin countries building dams on the Nile with support from Israel are
reviewing the agreements made with Egypt and Sudan which give them historical
rights in the Nile waters. These two examples show the attempts being made by
several parties to infringe upon Arab rights with overt support from the
so-called the only democracy in the Middle East.
I wouldn’t
like here to put forward new recommendations to be added to the hundreds of
recommendations shelved by our joint Arab organizations, primarily the Arab
League. It is too late to avert backwardness; however; there is still hope in
enhancing development.
The 63rd
anniversary of the fall of Palestine and creation of the Jewish entity on its
territory coincides with a movement spanning the length and breadth of the Arab
world rejecting such realities that are no longer appropriate. Therefore, all
Arab authorities and peoples should reconsider their approaches at all levels,
internally and internationally, and carry out programmes for comprehension
rebuilding on the basis of freedom, wealth and self-determination for the
people alone. Likewise, we should start laying the foundations of progress to
stamp out the Israeli democracy in the Middle East fallacy.
The real
start of sustainable development is made when we learn the lessons of the
salutary experience of division, in order for one word to return to drive us to
work: future.
The
future requires that we establish real democracies dedicated to the welfare of
their peoples. We can’t secure a place in the future unless we are seriously
engaged in the sustainable development process for all Arab peoples and at all
levels of society. What I’d like to stress here is that the rise of real
democracies is a signal of the fall of false democracy, on top of which is
Israeli democracy.
Sulaiman
Al-Askary
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